The Pentagon's Plan to Raid Iran for Uranium Isn't About Nukes. It's About Power.
Somewhere in the Pentagon, there’s a plan sitting on someone’s desk to send American commandos into the most heavily fortified nuclear sites in Iran, grab roughly 1,000 pounds of enriched uranium, and get it out before Tehran — or anyone else — can stop them.
Reports on the plan describe it as one of the most complex special operations in modern military history.
Thousands of troops… A small commando team for the actual retrieval… Excavation equipment… A runway built from scratch so cargo planes can haul the material out of the country…
According to The Washington Post, the Pentagon put this option in front of President Trump back in April. And more recent reporting suggests it’s still very much alive, with troops potentially storming Iran’s Fordow and Isfahan facilities to snatch uranium buried too deep for even America’s biggest bunker-busters to destroy.
The official rationale is straightforward: Deny Iran the material it would need to build a bomb. Fair enough.
But here’s the question nobody in Washington wants to answer directly: Why does America really want this uranium?
The Uranium Math Doesn’t Add up the Way You’d Think
Iran’s roughly 1,000 pounds of highly enriched uranium is weapons-grade material — enriched to 60% or higher. That’s not the same stuff that fuels a nuclear power plant, which typically runs on uranium enriched below 5%. So no, the Pentagon isn’t planning to truck Iranian warhead fuel straight into a data center.
That’s not really the point, though.
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This raid — if it happens — would take place at the exact moment the United States is more anxious about uranium supply than it has been in decades. And that anxiety has almost nothing to do with Iran.
It has to do with the fact that America mines almost none of its own uranium anymore. Domestic production covers a sliver of what the country’s own reactor fleet burns through every year. The rest gets imported — from Kazakhstan, Canada, and Australia.
Global demand is running around 180 million pounds a year. Global mine production is stuck around 130 million–140 million pounds. That’s a 50 million-pound annual hole, and it’s been getting wider, not narrower, according to the World Nuclear Association.
AI Didn’t Create the Uranium Shortage — It Just Made It Everyone’s Problem
For years, that supply gap got quietly plugged by old stockpiles — inventory built up after Fukushima, leftover material from the U.S.-Russia agreement that turned Cold War warheads into reactor fuel. That agreement expired back in 2013. The cushion is gone.
Now layer the AI build-out on top of that.
Microsoft is paying Constellation Energy $98–$115 per megawatt-hour to restart the Crane Clean Energy Center — the reactor formerly known as Three Mile Island — just to keep its data centers powered.
Amazon has struck its own nuclear deals. Google is backing small modular reactors. Meta signed a 20-year contract for 1,121 megawatts of nuclear power in Illinois.
None of these companies are doing this because nuclear is trendy. They’re doing it because AI compute needs constant, carbon-free, round-the-clock power, and there’s no other source that checks all three boxes at the scale they need.
The Department of Energy has said as much publicly.
There are 172 reactors under construction or firmly planned worldwide right now. Every one of them needs fuel. And a meaningful share of Western utilities’ uranium requirements past 2027 still aren’t contracted — meaning utilities are about to be bidding against each other, and against Big Tech’s balance sheets, for a shrinking pool of pounds.
That’s the environment this Iran operation is dropping into.
Washington isn’t just worried about a bomb in Tehran. It’s watching a resource it can’t produce enough of at home become the choke point for both its defense posture and its AI ambitions at the same time.
Denying Iran its stockpile is one small, symbolic move in a much bigger scramble for uranium security that’s playing out in Washington, in Astana, and now in boardrooms in Redmond and Menlo Park.
Uranium spot prices are already telling you this story. The metal touched $90 a pound this year, and the smart money moved well before the headlines caught up.
The Trade Hiding Behind the Headlines
You don’t need Fordow’s uranium to see where this is going.
The structural case here doesn’t depend on whether the raid happens, whether it succeeds, or whether Iran ever gives up an ounce. It depends on a shortage that already exists and a new class of buyer — hyperscale AI companies with effectively unlimited budgets — showing up to compete for what’s left.
My colleague Keith Kohl has been tracking exactly this setup for months over at Energy Investor.
He’s flagged companies sitting at three different pressure points in this story: a high-grade uranium deposit in Saskatchewan’s Athabasca Basin holding some of the richest ore on the planet, a defense contractor that’s held a sole-source lock on fuel for America’s nuclear submarine fleet for more than 70 years, and a nuclear utility that turned itself into an AI infrastructure play by signing multibillion-dollar power deals with the biggest names in tech.
Keith’s blunt about what’s coming next. As he puts it, a crisis is brewing — and most investors haven’t connected the dots between the Pentagon’s uranium anxiety and the AI industry’s power problem.
You can get the full story here.
Iran’s uranium may not power a single American data center. But the anxiety driving the Pentagon to go get it and the anxiety driving Microsoft, Amazon, Google, and Meta to lock down nuclear power contracts come from the same place: a fuel supply the United States doesn’t control and can’t quickly replace.
That’s not a story that ends when the news cycle moves on.
Fight on,

Jason Simpkins
Simpkins is the founder and editor of Secret Stock Files, an investment service that focuses on companies with assets — tangible resources and products that can hold and appreciate in value. He covers mining companies, energy companies, defense contractors, dividend payers, commodities, staples, legacies and more… He also serves as editor of Power & Profits where he analyzes investments beyond the scope of the defense sector.
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